Most investors place a portion of their investments in high-cost, low-return fixed income vehicles to ensure at
least a minimum of future wealth in case of the remote possibility of an equity portfolio disaster. Gernot Wagner
and Martin L. Weitzman, authors of the new book Climate Shock: The Economic Consequences of a Hotter Planet,
argue that the world should invest at high cost to ensure that humanity will at least survive, given the remote
possibility of climate catastrophe. They also say, however, that investing in geoengineering as insurance against
climate change may be like purchasing an annuity from the devil; instead of paying the single premium upfront, you
make the soul (sic) payment later.
The interesting thing is that their argument sheds light not only on the climate change problem, but also on the
problem of investing a portfolio. The analogy just presented is not a stretch. It may even tell us as much about the
solution to a long-standing investment conundrum as it does about the response to climate change.
It’s all about the (fat) tails
For at least 30 years economists have pondered why the equity premium – the return that investors receive for
investing in equities, over and above what they receive for investing in fixed income – has been so high.
Virtually 100% of the time historically, equities have outperformed fixed income over investment horizons of 25 or
30 years or more. Then why do investors with those time horizons still allocate so much of their portfolios to fixed
income – helping to assure, by keeping the demand for equities low, that the equity premium will continue to
be high? This riddle has been dubbed the “equity premium puzzle.”
The origin of the riddle derives from a paper by Rajnish Mehra and Edward C. Prescott published in 1985, “The Equity Premium: A Puzzle.”
In that paper, Mehra and Prescott concluded, based on an intricate economic argument, that the equity premium should
actually be less than one-tenth of what it has been. Though their argument
is borderline credible at best, it is still puzzling why long-term investors would invest in fixed income
when equities virtually always do much better.
Wagner and Weitzman have the answer to that, though they mention it only in passing in the process of making their
argument for greater investment in climate change prevention.
It’s all about the tails of the distribution; whether those tails are fat or not is relatively unimportant. On
the extreme tail of the distribution of equity returns lies disaster. That extreme tail may have a probability that
can be estimated – such as 1%, or even less – or it may fall into the category of unmeasurable “Knightian
uncertainties,” “Black Swans” or “unknown unknowns.” Whichever it is, if it actually
occurs, it spells catastrophe for the investor, who would find herself without enough money to live.
Is that vanishingly small chance of calamity enough to be concerned about? It would seem to be. Potential
economic-survival-threatening disasters with such small probabilities usually call for insurance. There’s less
than a 1% chance that your house will burn down, but you buy insurance for it anyway. That purchase of insurance
comes at a very high cost. Buying an insurance contract in case your house burns down is a very risky investment,
considered in isolation. There’s less than a one percent chance that it will pay off at all and greater than a
99% chance that you’ll lose all your money. And yet, in spite of how risky that investment is, its expected
return is negative. That is the measure of what a high cost we are willing to pay to insure against disaster.
Should disaster scenarios be discounted less?
That example illustrates Wagner’s and Weitzman’s argument for using a low rate to discount the future
costs of climate change disaster scenarios. The discount rate that should be used to calculate the present value of
the costs of climate change, which may be borne in 100 years or more, has been at the center of a raging debate
among climate change researchers since a 2006 report
commissioned by the British government. This report, the Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change, was named
after its principal author, economist Nicholas Stern, chair of the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and
the Environment at the London School of Economics. In that report the researchers used a very low rate, 1.4%, to
discount the future costs of climate change. The result of that low rate of discounting future costs is that the
price that emitters of carbon dioxide (CO2) should pay now should be high. Wagner and Weitzman say it should be at
least $40 per ton of CO2, approximately doubling the cost of burning coal. Other modelers of the economics of
climate change, such as William Nordhaus of Yale University, believe in using a discount rate much closer to the
competitive market return on capital, such as 4%. This leads to a much lower price to emit carbon.
Wagner and Weitzman argue that pricing carbon should be viewed chiefly as insurance against the most unbearable
future climate catastrophes – by which they mean global average temperature increases exceeding 6°C (11°F)
eventually (in a century or more). They believe there is as much as a 10% chance of this scenario occurring. Since
the rate of return on investments in insurance contracts is generally very low and often negative, the discount rate
should be very low – perhaps even negative.
Does their argument make sense? It does if you look at it in the context of your portfolio. Some argue (myself
included) that at a later stage in life, one should use a portion of one’s assets to buy a simple annuity for
safety-net income, lasting as long as the purchaser survives. If you calculate the expected real rate of return on
an annuity, you’ll find it’s quite low and often negative; but it assures at least a minimum level of
economic survival as an insurance contract against the possibility of outliving your assets.
Once you’ve purchased that insurance to cover the extremely adverse, remotely possible lower tail of the
probability distribution of portfolio returns, you can devote the rest of your portfolio to seeking higher returns.
Hence, in a sense, you are using a different, lower discount rate for the most negative scenario than you are using
for the rosier ones.
For climate change disaster scenarios, what is that insurance contract?
Wagner and Weitzman have backgrounds well-suited to the writing of this book. Wagner is lead senior economist for
the Environmental Defense Fund, an organization that generally adheres faithfully to a long-time motto, “good
science, good economics.”1 Weitzman is a professor of economics at Harvard who has written
extensively about “fat tails” and the social cost of carbon. Their writing reflects an intimate
knowledge of the subject, as well as a few revealing insights they have gained in the course of exploring it.
One of those insights has to do with the concept of “geoengineering.” Geoengineering encompasses ways to
alter certain features of the earth in order to counteract global warming. Given what slow progress the world has
made in limiting or reducing emissions of greenhouse gases -- the most common of which is CO2 emitted by fossil
fuel-fired power plants, industrial boilers and vehicles used for transportation -- geoengineering is a tempting and
seemingly inevitable solution.
Geoengineering includes such tricks as spraying sulfur particles into the atmosphere, as a volcano does, to screen
out the sun and reduce its incoming energy. Another trick is to seed the ocean with iron, driving the process of
photosynthesis and thus facilitating the uptake of CO2, causing the ocean to “bloom” – to create
more bioorganisms, some of which will eventually die and fall to the bottom burying their carbon with them.
According to Wagner and Weitzman, spraying sulfur particles into the atmosphere is very cheap and effective. Then
why not keep that solution at the ready and rest easy with carbon emissions in the meantime?
Wagner and Weitzman tell the best cautionary story against geoengineering as a fallback that I have seen. For one
thing, spraying sulfur into the atmosphere does nothing to solve the ancillary problem of ocean acidification, which
occurs as a result of more CO2 being absorbed into the oceans. Seeding the ocean with iron would help to ameliorate
that problem, but it is more costly, less effective at solving the climate problem and may have other side effects.
It is the other scenarios that could accompany geoengineering, however, that are particularly compelling. The most
intriguing – and ultimately scary – is one involving “Greenfinger.”
Who is Greenfinger? He is a shady and sinister character, analogous to the James Bond villain Goldfinger, possibly
operating as a secret agent of a tropical agricultural country (you might imagine Bangladesh). At a cost of a mere
few billions, he commands a fleet of small aircraft, which deposit sulfur particles into the atmosphere that cool
the whole earth. All that his funding sources really care about, though, is cooling their own country, to mitigate
the blistering heat and droughts.
Sweden and Finland – relatively sanguine about the prospect of warming (except that the consequent ocean rise
may drown Stockholm) – launch a counterattack. They deposit quantities of hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs), a
powerful greenhouse gas, into the atmosphere to warm it back up.
As Wagner and Weitzman put it, “Let the climate war games begin.”
Whether or not this scenario is plausible – and it does not seem all that implausible – Wagner and
Weitzman also give other reasons why geoengineering, at least in such forms as spraying volcanic dust, is a severely
suboptimal solution to the problem. If the CO2 concentration in the atmosphere continues to climb as it has and will
continue to do, as soon as you stop spraying volcanic dust the temperature will snap back to very high levels.
You – that is, the world – will be addicted to spraying volcanic dust into the atmosphere. What will
happen if it is found to cause some other serious problem? It will be hard to stop.
Not that Wagner and Weitzman think that geoengineering should be shunned completely. They believe that some research
should be done. Perhaps a solution can be found that will be relatively benign. But the pursuit of geoengineering
also reduces the time that researchers have available to find ways to reduce emissions, like advancing low-carbon
energy technologies. And reliance on geoengineering should not dilute the commitment to that pursuit.
Hence they – like most other seekers of solutions to the problem of climate change – believe that the
premium payment for insurance against potential climate catastrophes should be applied chiefly to reducing
greenhouse gas emissions, not to counteracting them through geoengineering.
Catastrophists versus dynamists
Wagner and Weitzman are less compelling when it comes to a central issue surrounding not only climate change but the
question of whether economic growth as we know it can rescue us from the dilemmas that it tangentially causes. This
is also a question that bears on the selection of the proper discount rate – though the idea that a lower
discount rate should be applied to disaster scenarios may still hold in any case.
New York Times columnist Ross Douthat has
identified this issue as the argument between dynamists and catastrophists. According to Douthat, “Dynamists
are people who see 21st-century modernity as a basically successful civilization advancing toward a future that’s
better than the past. They do not deny that problems exist, but they believe we can innovate our way through them
while staying on an ever-richer, ever-more-liberated course.” Catastrophists, on the other hand, believe
that “things cannot go on as they are: That the trajectory we’re on will end in crisis.”
That is why dynamists believe in using the market return on capital as the discount rate. They believe that the
incentive presented by the market return on capital will spur innovations that will ultimately get us out of
whatever mess we may be in through the miracle of economic growth. Catastrophists, on the other hand, believe that
eventual crisis is inevitable unless we do something quickly; that’s why we need a low discount rate to force
us to foresee the crisis in time.
Wagner and Weitzman are plainly catastrophists. They dispense with the dynamist argument by saying that “not
all environmental damages can be offset so easily just by increasing GDP… if the global food supply suffers
from climate change, boosting GDP by building more iPhones won’t do much for those who are starving.”
This is not a good analogy. Food production has certainly been increased by the growth of technology. Even the
spread of mobile phones has improved it by enabling small farmers to determine where the markets are for their
produce, at what price and even what they should grow.
Investment dynamists and catastrophists
Does the same divide hold for investors? Do dynamists, believing that the world can only get better and that GDP
growth will solve everything, put 100% of their investments in equities? Do catastrophists allocate more to safe
assets? It would make for an interesting research study – perhaps correlating levels of belief in the
likelihood of catastrophic climate change with allocations to equities.
Wagner and Weitzman argue for a high level of investment in climate change aversion. This high level of investment
is to be accomplished by a “carbon tax,” charging emitters of CO2 (and other greenhouse gases) a high
price per ton, at least in part as insurance against the worst-case climate change scenarios.
By the same token, even if one is a dynamist and believes that humanity is very likely to solve every problem and
continue sustaining high levels of economic growth in the future, one may hedge that bet by purchasing insurance
against worst-case scenarios, in the form of allocations to fixed income and annuities.
In both cases, the high cost can be made understandable if regarded not as an ordinary investment, but as the
purchase of insurance against a worst-case scenario.
Michael Edesess, a mathematician and economist, is a visiting fellow with the Centre for Systems Informatics
Engineering at City University of Hong Kong, a principal and chief strategist of Compendium Finance and a
research associate at EDHEC-Risk Institute. In 2007, he authored a book about the investment services industry
titled The Big Investment Lie, published by Berrett-Koehler. His new book, The Three Simple Rules
of Investing, co-authored with Kwok L. Tsui, Carol Fabbri and George Peacock, has just been published by
Berrett-Koehler.
Read more articles by Michael Edesess