Have We Been Measuring Housing Inflation All Wrong?

The “unifying framework” that the US Bureau of Labor Statistics follows in designing the consumer price index, according to the agency’s handbook of methods, involves attempting to answer this question:

What is the cost, at this month’s market prices, of achieving the standard of living actually attained in the base period?

So, yes, it is a little weird that 24% of the latest CPI, the main US measure of inflation, consists not of market prices but of “the implicit rent that owner occupants would have to pay if they were renting their homes.”

This “owner’s equivalent rent” tends to make non-economists’ heads explode, generating frequent criticism from investors and others. But there’s no sign it’s going anywhere. From 1953 through 1982, the BLS used a different measure based mainly on the prices of new houses and monthly mortgage payments before abandoning it in the face of theory-based critiques from economists and practical concerns about how much volatility it added to the CPI. So, yes, owner’s equivalent rent is weird, but there doesn’t seem to be an obviously better alternative.

Some important questions are being raised at the moment, though, about how the BLS measures the rent from which owner’s equivalent rent is derived. Contrary to widely held belief, this is not done by asking homeowners how much they think their houses would rent for. That question is in fact asked but is used to determine the weighting that owner’s equivalent rent is given in CPI (the 24% mentioned above). The monthly changes that determine the inflation rate are estimated from changes in rents on similar dwellings, and those changes in rents are measured by asking thousands of American renters how much they’re paying. (The 7.4% of CPI that is actual rent is also measured by this survey.)